Military-Industrial Complex

The Machiavellian masters of the Round Table, who brought him to power, steered the activities of the Allies, who did not stop when they liberated the territories Hitler had occupied. They did not stop until they had conquered all of Germany as well, using America as a proxy, to fulfill Cecil Rhodes’ “race patriotism” towards “the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of the British Empire.”[1] Without denying the extent of Nazi war atrocities, as victors, the British and the Americans have celebrated their roles as “liberators” without mention of the barbarity employed to achieved those ends. In the United Kingdom, only 0.94% of the population died from causes of the war, including 383,700 military deaths and 67,200 civilian deaths. Comparatively, as reported by Jorg Friedrich in his book The Fire: the Bombing of Germany 1940-45, 635,000 Germans, 10% of the population, mostly civilian, died and 7.5 million were made homeless when British and US “carpet bombing” dropped on 131 cities and towns. And the same corporations who contributed to Hitler’s material power—particularly General Motors, operated by the synarchists of DuPont—simultaneously built up America’s military might for the war, thus seeding a relationship that came henceforth to be known as the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC), committing Western capitalist societies to the never-ending vicious circle of war for profit, and imperialism disguised as a fight for “freedom.”

In a democratic society, to maintain the illusion of abiding by the will of the people, the elite proponents of fascism are also caught in the quandary of requiring the support of the masses at election time. It therefore becomes necessary for them to posture as representing the common people, even going so far as presenting themselves as their defenders against exploitation by the elite. As explained by Roderick T. Long:

The progress of liberalism and of industry had the effect of shifting wealth, at least in part, from the traditional aristocracy to new private hands, thus creating new private interest groups with the ability to operate as political entrepreneurs; hence, perhaps, the tendency toward the emergence of a plutocratic class nominally outside the traditional state apparatus. Likewise the progress of democracy meant that plutocracy could hope to triumph only by donning populist guise; hence the paradox of an elitist movement marching forward under the banner of anti-elitism.[2]

These concerns were already a major reason why the Founding Fathers opposed the idea of maintaining large standing armies during peacetime. As George Washington put it, a large peace-time military establishment “hath ever been considered dangerous to the liberties of a country.”[3] The US Congress decided in 1783 that “standing armies in time of peace are inconsistent with the principles of republican governments, dangerous to the liberties of a free people, and generally converted into destructive engines for establishing despotism.”[4] For centuries, many governments owned and operated their own arms manufacturing industries. Reliance on private corporations to supply governments with armaments is a relatively new arrangement, introduced through modern capitalism. The new alliance results in a blatant conflict of interest, where those with the authority to initiate wars have teamed up with those who profit by them. A similar thesis was originally expressed by Daniel Guérin, in his 1936 book Fascism and Big Business, about fascist government support for heavy industry. The military is therefore now supplied by private corporations, whose motives are not the security of the nation, but an insatiable need for profits, driven by sales, where demand is created by war. Peace is not profitable. It is therefore necessary to orchestrate a perpetual state of war. Thus, the manufacture of the “necessary enemy” is a condition of fascism. In the case of the United States, that enemy have been the “commies.”

It was in his farewell address on January 17, 1961, that outgoing President Dwight D. Eisenhower first warned the American public about the growing influence of what he referred to as the “military-industrial complex.” The MIC is characterized as an informal alliance between the military and the defense industry which supplies it. It can be defined as, “an informal and changing coalition of groups with vested psychological, moral, and material interests in the continuous development and maintenance of high levels of weaponry, in preservation of colonial markets and in military-strategic conceptions of internal affairs.”[5] These relationships include political contributions, political approval for military spending, lobbying to support bureaucracies, and oversight of the industry; or more broadly to include the entire network of contracts and flows of money and resources among individuals as well as corporations and institutions of the defense contractors, private military contractors, the Pentagon, the Congress and executive branch. As President Eisenhower warned:

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military–industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists, and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals so that security and liberty may prosper together.

The history of the Military-Industrial Complex begins in World War I with Bernard Baruch. While the close coordination between the private sector and the military was largely new to the Truman and Eisenhower administrations, its origins were in the mandates of Progressive reform which attempted in earlier part of the century to rationalize the U.S. economy and integrate it with public policy. The close relationship between the military and the civilian government was formalized in World War I.[6] By 1910, Baruch had become one of Wall Street’s best-known financiers, regarded as “The Lone Wolf of Wall Street” for his refusal to join any financial house. In 1916, Baruch left Wall Street to advise President Woodrow Wilson on national defense and terms of peace. He served on the Advisory Commission to the Council of National Defense and, in 1918, became the chairman of the new War Industries Board (WIB). Under his leadership, the WIB successfully managed the US’s economic mobilization for the war. Throughout the remainder of the war, private businesses and the military worked closely to fulfill wartime needs.[7] In 1919, Baruch was asked by Wilson to serve as a staff member at the Paris Peace Conference, and he supported Wilson’s call for the creation of the League of Nations.[8]

During the inter-war years, business leaders and the military met regularly to draw up plans for economic mobilization in case of war.[9] The result was a series of industrial mobilization plans drawn up between 1930 and 1939. In the end, the military realized the degree to which it was dependent on the cooperation and capacity of business for the materials it needed, while business became more aware of what the present and future needs of the military might be for supplies of all types. In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s (1933–1945) attempt to plan for economic recovery after the Great Depression adapted the scheme of the WIB for his short-lived New Deal program, the National Industrial Recovery Administration.[10]

Baruch pushed to have his protégée, former General Hugh Johnson, with whom he had worked at WIB, to be placed amongst on Roosevelt’s “Brain Trust.” Others belonging to the Brain Trust included Felix Frankfurter, Louis Brandeis—who introduced the group to the ideas of John Maynard Keynes—and Benjamin Cohen. Cohen, a student of Frankfurter, served as counsel for the American Zionist Movement and attended the 1919 Paris Peace Conference and helped to negotiate the League of Nations mandate for Palestine. Cohen also worked for Louis Brandeis as a law clerk.

Within a week of Roosevelt’s nomination, one member of the Brain Trust, Rexford Tugwell, worried that Baruch now dictated president’s financial policies.[11] At the first meeting of the Cabinet in 1933, Baruch and Johnson came with a copy of a book by the Italian Fascist theoretician Giovanni Gentile, Mussolini’s Education Minister, which each Cabinet member read it with “great care.”[12] In 1933, Roosevelt put Johnson in charge of the National Recovery Administration (NRA), the prime agency of the New Deal, known by its “blue eagle” campaign. The NRA essentially legalized cartelization, by allowing thousands of businesses to organize “under fair trade codes drawn up by trade associations and industries.” Although reluctant to trust private businessmen, New Dealers saw in the NRA as an opportunity to champion the interests of consumers, farmers, and labor. In practice, however, the codes of competition that were drafted under the NRA reflected the power and interests of the large corporations.[13] Time nevertheless made Johnson “Man of the Year.”

Gerald C. MacGuire told General Smedley Butler that J.P. Morgan’s interests behind the Liberty League’s Business Plot against Roosevelt wanted Johnson installed as a Secretary of General Affairs to run the country. MacGuire also said Roosevelt would fire Johnson within a month, because he “talked too damn much.”[14] Roosevelt fired Johnson in September 1934, after which he became one of his Roosevelt’s vocal critics. In 1940, Johnson would join the national board of the America First Committee (AFC).

The so-called “Senate Munitions Committee” then came into being because of widespread reports that arms manufacturers had deceptively influenced the American decision to enter World War I. With the war mobilization conducted under the supervision of the War Industries Board, unprecedented fortunes were built by the war producers. During the 1920s and 1930s, dozens of books and articles appeared which argued that arms manufacturers had duped the United States into entering World War I for their own profit. Butler went on to rise in public profile with his 1935 book War Is a Racket, where he criticized the United States’ foreign wars, such as those he had been a part of, which he claimed were waged for the profits of millionaires. In a speech to the American Legion, Butler said:

I spent 33 years [in the Marines] and during that period I spent most of my time being a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer for capitalists. I helped make Honduras right for the American fruit companies in 1903. I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909-1912. I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went its way unmolested.[15]

Hearings in 1934 by the Nye Committee led by U.S. Senator Gerald Nye were intended to hold war profiteers like Baruch and Du Pont company officials, the “merchants of death,” to account.[16] The Nye Committee, officially known as the Special Committee on Investigation of the Munitions Industry, was a United States Senate committee established in 1934, to investigate the financial and banking interests behind United States' involvement in World War I. Nye created headlines by drawing connections between the wartime profits of the banking and munitions industries to America's involvement in World War I.[17] Nye promised, “when the Senate investigation is over, we shall see that war and preparation for war is not a matter of national honor and national defense, but a matter of profit for the few.”[18] Although the Nye Committee failed to achieve its goal of nationalizing the arms industry, it inspired three congressional neutrality acts in the mid-1930s that signaled profound American opposition to overseas involvement.[19]

With World War II came a massive shift in the way that the American government armed the military. The view that large military spending is an effective means of demand stimulation and job creation, and hence of economic growth, is called military Keynesianism. Therefore, the formidable hypocrisy is that the same Keynesian principles pursued by Roosevelt, and which so appalled the fascists of the Liberty League, were made use of to bring about the development of the MIC. With the onset of World War II President Franklin D. Roosevelt established the War Production Board to coordinate civilian industries and shift them into wartime production. Throughout World War II arms production in the United States went from around one percent of the annual GDP to 40 percent of the GDP. Various American companies, such as Boeing and General Motors, maintained and expanded their defense divisions.[20] In 1942-45, WPB supervised the production of $183 billion worth of weapons and supplies, about 40% of the world output of munitions. Britain, the USSR and other allies produced an additional 30%, while the Axis produced only 30%. One fourth of the US output was warplanes; one fourth was warships. Meanwhile, the civilian standard of living was about level.[21] Large manufacturing firms enjoyed the bulk of the business. The top 100 prime contractors received about two-thirds of the awards by value; the top 10 got about 30 percent; the leading contractor, General Motors, accounted for nearly eight percent.[22]

In 1948, President Truman submitted to Congress the second largest peacetime budget in American history, claiming the need to meet the threat of totalitarianism across the world. The budget totaled $39.6 billion, with nearly half of it dedicated to military spending and international affairs. These enormous expenditures created an entirely new industry in the United States devoted to the production of weapons for the Pentagon. The industry, which became known as the military-industrial complex, became one of the largest industries in the United States and a crucial part of the nation’s economy. Similar to mobilization during World War II, whole corporations were sustained by government military contracts alone.[23]

At the end of World War II, General Motors and Ford demanded reparations from the US government for wartime damages sustained by their Axis facilities as a result of Allied bombing. By 1967, GM had collected more than $33 million in reparations and federal tax benefits for damages to its warplane and motor vehicle properties in former Axis territories, including Germany, Austria, Poland, Latvia and China. Likewise, Ford received a little less than $I million, primarily as a result of damages sustained by its military truck complex in Cologne. After the war, the rebuilt plants in Russelsheim and Cologne enabled GM and Ford, respectively, to capture more than two-thirds of the German motor vehicle market.[24]

American Security Council (ASC)

“The Heart of the Military-Industrial Complex” has been the American Security Council (ASC), founded in 1955, the successor organization of the America First Committee (AFC), which used the fear of communism to justify the build up of the military.[25] Its boards was filled with retired senior military officers, executives of major corporations, including some of the largest military contractors, and numerous denizens of the New Right. Wes McCune of the Washington, D.C.-based Group Research, which monitors the political right, described the ASC as “not just the representative of the military-industrial complex, it is the personification of the military-industrial complex.”[26] The network of the ASC-affiliated organizations defended American corporatism by continuing the Nazi tradition of using the notion of a conspiracy to denounce the purported threat of communism. By purportedly opposing the “globalist” agenda—of the likes of the Rockefeller-dominated Council on Foreign Relations—they disguised themselves in anti-establishment and populist rhetoric, in order to advance their fascist agenda.

The ASC believed that communism and the Soviet Union were the greatest evils in the world, and that the Soviets were determined to achieve military superiority and world domination. Those within the U.S. who advocated disarmament and lower defense spending are considered by the ASC to be victims of communist disinformation. According to the ASC, a counter-strategy was required that involved a huge military buildup, an internal strategic and civil defense network, an increase in security and intelligence capabilities, and strong opposition to all arms control agreements. Economically, the strategy would require a strong U.S. economy and policies that “will protect our overseas sources of energy and other vital raw materials.” Outside of the US, it called for use of non-military means to counter the influence of communism, and support of American allies and other non-communist governments against communist aggression.[27]

The ASC cosponsored a series of annual meetings from 1955 to 1961, which inspired President Eisenhower’s famous exit speech, called National Military-Industrial Conferences, which included the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), Chambers of Commerce, and several university institutes. Elements of the Pentagon, National Security Council, and organizations linked to the CIA discussed cold war strategy with industry leaders, such as United Fruit, Standard Oil, Honeywell, US Steel, and Sears Roebuck.[28]

The key organizer of these events was America First Committee (AFC) founder General Robert Wood, the man most responsible for establishing the ASC, in Chicago in 1955. Wood felt the US lost the Korean War because of communist infiltrators within the country. This factionalism and paranoia of a “communist conspiracy” was nurtured by the ASC, which Wes McCune of the Washington, DC-based Group Research, characterized as, “not just the representative of the military-industrial complex, it is the personification of the military-industrial complex.”[29]

The ASC’s early members included a broad list of industrialists, as well as Shickshinny Knights of Malta and agents of the CIA, including Bernard Baruch, Douglas MacArthur, James Jesus Angleton, Walt Disney, Jay Lovestone, James Burnham, Sam Rayburn, Ray S. Cline, Thomas J. Dodd, W. Averell Harriman, Nelson A. Rockefeller, Henry and Dame of Malta Clare Boothe Luce, Eugene V. Rostow, John G. Tower, Lyman Lemnitzer, John K. Singlaub, Larry P. McDonald, Sid W. Richardson and Albert Wohlstetter. Important funders of the ASC included General Dynamics, General Electric, Lockheed, Boeing, Motorola, and McDonnell-Douglas. Patrick J. Frawley, who has been referred to in Power on the Right as “the most visible, resourceful, and possibly wealthiest,” is believed to have been the most generous individual donors.[30] The ASC has pushed aggressively for ever-increasing Pentagon budgets to pay for its pet weapons systems, such as the B-1 bomber, the MX missile and Star Wars. It has rallied against Salt I, SALT II and other arms control agreements.[31]

A number of influential members of the ASC were Shickshinny Knights closely affiliated with 33º Scottish Rite Mason General Douglas MacArthur’s old team. The Military Affairs Committee of the Knights of Malta at one point included a list of former generals and admirals and former associates of MacArthur: Brigadier General Bonner Fellers, Lieutenant General Pedro del Valle, Lt. Gen. George Stratemeyer, and Marine General Lemuel Shepherd. The Order’s Honorary Grand Admiral was Admiral Sir Barry Domville, former head of British Naval Intelligence who had been interned during World War II as a Nazi sympathiser.[32]

MacArthur’s old team was led by General Charles Willoughby, who was born Adolf Tscheppe-Weidenbach in Germany and moved to the US in 1910, where changed his name. He once delivered a speech to Spanish dictator Generalissimo Francisco Franco at a lunch in Madrid, and he received the Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus from Mussolini. Praising Mussolini, he said: “Historical judgment, freed from the emotional haze of the moment, will credit Mussolini with wiping out a memory of defeat by re-establishing the traditional military supremacy of the white race.”[33] Willoughby served as MacArthur’s Chief of Intelligence during most of World War II and the Korean War. MacArthur affectionately referred to him as “my pet fascist.”[34]

The ASC was behind the Second Red Scare, following the first which derived from fears of the Bolshevik Revolution. The scare was triggered with the trial of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg (1953), the trial of Alger Hiss, the formation of the Iron Curtain, and the Soviet Union’s first nuclear weapon test in 1949, which surprised the American public, aggravating popular fears about threats to national security. At the House Un-American Activities Committee, former CPUSA members and NKVD spies, Elizabeth Bentley and Whittaker Chambers, testified that Soviet spies and communist sympathizers had penetrated the U.S. government before, during and after World War II. 

House UnAmerican Activities Committee (HUAC)

At its founding, the ASC was staffed primarily by former FBI agents. Corporations joined to take advantage of what former FBI agent William Turner described in Power on the Right as “a dossier system modeled after the FBI’s, which was intended to weed out employees and prospective employees deemed disloyal to the free enterprise concept.”[35] The ASC began collecting dossiers in the McCarthy era as part of a blacklisting operation against union organizers and others of “suspect” political orientations. Files and documents were collected from the House Committee on Un-American Activities and several private file collections.

The ASC was behind the establishment of the Mid-America Research Library (MARL), the objective of which was to compile files on suspected communists who might apply for jobs in the private sector. On August 3, 1948, ASC founder Whittaker Chambers, a former U.S. Communist Party member, testified under subpoena before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) that Hiss had secretly been a Communist, while in federal service. ASC/MARL worked very closely with the FBI and with Joseph McCarthy and the House UnAmerican Activities Committee (HUAC).

The ASC was behind the Second Red Scare—following the first deriving from fears of the Bolshevik Revolution—which was triggered with the trial of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg (1953), the trial of Alger Hiss, the formation of the Iron Curtain, and the Soviet Union’s first nuclear weapon test in 1949, which surprised the American public, aggravating popular fears about threats to national security. At the House Un-American Activities Committee, former CPUSA members and NKVD spies, Elizabeth Bentley and Whittaker Chambers, testified that Soviet spies and communist sympathizers had penetrated the U.S. government before, during and after World War II. 

The ASC supported the establishment of the Mid-America Research Library (MARL), the objective of which was to compile files on suspected communists who might apply for jobs in the private sector. ASC/MARL worked very closely with the FBI and with Joseph McCarthy and the House UnAmerican Activities Committee (HUAC). On August 3, 1948, ASC founder Whittaker Chambers, a former US Communist Party member, testified under subpoena before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) that Hiss had secretly been a Communist, while in federal service.

Although the HUAC is often associated with Senator Joseph McCarthy, he had no direct involvement with the HUAC. Nevertheless, he shared numerous fascist connections with its instigators. In 1938, the HUAC was established as a special investigating committee, reorganized from its previous incarnations as the Fish Committee and the McCormack-Dickstein Committee. Congressman Hamilton Fish III (1888 – 1991), of New York, a Shickshinny Knight of Malta, introduced House Resolution 180 on May 5, 1930, which proposed to establish a committee to investigate communist activities in the United States.

Fish, one of the founding members of the American Legion,[36] was responsible for initiating the tomb of the Unknown Soldier of World War I and the Tomb of the Unknowns. In June 1922, Fish and Republican New York Representative, and Henry Cabot Lodge introduced the Lodge-Fish Resolution, to illustrate American support for the British policy in Palestine per the 1917 Balfour Declaration. It came about following a significant lobbying effort by the American Zionist community, and particularly through the efforts of Zionist Rabbi Simon Glazer.[37] On September 21, 1922, then-President Warren G. Harding signed the joint resolution of approval to establish a Jewish National Home in Palestine, per the 1917 Balfour Declaration.

Fish visited the Soviet Union in 1923, when he was head of the firm Hamilton Fish & Company, Exporters and Importers. After his return to the United States he introduced a resolution into Congress calling for the establishment of commercial relations with Soviet Russia.[38] Subsequently, he became one of the most bitter anti-Soviet propagandists in the United States, and an ardent opponent of Roosevelt’s New Deal. The Fish’s daughter Lillian Veronica Fish married David Whitmire Hearst, the son of William Randolph Hearst.

In the early 1930’s, as chairman of a Congressional committee to investigate “American communism,” Fish was the chief spokesman of the White Russian anti-Soviet émigrés in the United States, working closely with Aufbau conspirator Boris Brasol and George Sylvester Viereck.[39] The America First Committee (AFC) had utilized the services of Fish’s secretary George Hill, who according to an inquiry, “served as handyman of a propaganda ring” managed by Viereck. Both Hill and Viereck were subsequently convicted as a consequence of their roles in this clandestine arrangement.[40]

Fish used his congressional office to distribute copies of the Protocols of Zion. Accused of anti-Semitism, he responded, “It doesn’t bother me any. There’s been too much Jewism going around anyway.”[41] A non-interventionist until after the attack on Pearl Harbor, Fish was nevertheless also responsible for a number of legislative and diplomatic moves aimed at helping Jews out of Hitler’s Germany.[42]

The Fish Committee recommended granting the United States Department of Justice more authority to investigate communists, and strengthening of immigration and deportation laws to keep communists out of the United States, leading to the establishment of the HUAC.[43] The Chairman of the HUAC was Representative Martin Dies of Texas, hence it is also known as the Dies Committee.

The first Chief Investigator appointed by the Dies Committee was Edward F. Sullivan, a little-known former labor spy and anti-Soviet propagandist, who had been associated with the anti-Soviet Ukrainian nationalist movement in America.[44] In August 1936, Sullivan was featured as a main speaker at a national conference in Asheville, North Carolina, which included by William Dudley Pelley, James True, who was publisher of a fascist bulletin in collaboration with Sullivan; and Ernest F. Elmhurst, alias E.F. Fleischkopf, a Bund member and Nazi agent. When Sullivan’s controversial record was exposed, Dies reluctantly removed Sullivan as his Chief Investigator. Sullivan’s place was taken by J.B. Matthews, a self-described “fellow traveler” of the Communist Party, USA who became an ardent anti-communist. Sullivan’s writings, which were recommended by Nazi Propaganda Ministry, were widely publicized and distributed by leading American fascists and Axis agents. Articles by Matthews appeared in Contra-Komintern, an organ of Alfred Rosenberg’s Aussen-politisches Amt.[45]

McCarthy Era

By 1953, J.B. Matthews became research director for McCarthy’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the United States Senate. McCarthy had launched the McCarthy era by posting to the nation’s front pages his far-fetched charge on February 9, 1950, that there were “205 known Communists in the State Department.” A few months earlier, he had called for the parole of William Dudley Pelley. Joseph and Stewart Alsop wrote in their widely-syndicated column of April 15, 1953, that behind McCarthy were “the whole assortment of small, proto-fascist extremist groups” and the powerful backing of Col. Robert R. McCormick, owner of the reactionary Chicago Tribune.[46] McCarthy met with McCormick in 1946, and through him gained the support of Merwin K. Hart’s American Action, Inc, which sponsored several advertisements in Wisconsin newspapers supporting McCarthy as part their nationwide campaign against “radical and Communist” candidates for Congress.[47]

In 1952, McCarthy asked Francis Parker Yockey to write a speech for him. The FBI discovered the manuscript of the speech, called “Amerca’s Two Ways of Waging War,” where McCarthy contrasted the purported hypocrisy of America’s unconditional demand for Germany’s surrender with its attempt to negotiate peace with the Communists in Korea.[48] Yockey’s contact with McCarthy was Perry Patterson, who served as legal counsel to the Washington Times Herald, which was owned by Colonel McCormick, who also owned the Chicago Tribune. McCormick was an open opponent of the Nuremburg Trials. Yockey’s British comrade John Anthony Gannon revealed that Yockey and McCarthy had a long-standing relationship:

After his move to England, FPY continued to work for the freeing of “war criminals”… Senator Joe McCarthy was involved with this work, having made visits to Germany with parties from Congress, and FPY was in touch with him… Yes, I know that FPY had a considerable relationship with Joe McC, and found him well informed on the Culture-Distorters issue.[49]

When McCarthy’s fulminations were challenged publicly, he sought the support of Upton Close. By the 1950s, George Deatherage—the former Klansman and friend of Leslie Fry—was living in Palm Beach, Florida working as a research specialist with Close.[50] Throughout early 1950, McCarthy and Close saw each other twice daily. Other leading anti-communists who supported McCarthy included Joseph P. Kamp of the pro-fascist Constitutional Education League, Merwin K. Hart, Allen A. Zoll and Frederick Cartwright, a known financial backer of the British fascist Sir Oswald Moseley. Kamp, who was introduced by McCarthy by J.B. Matthews, wrote an anti-Semitic pamphlet titled America Betrayed, which McCarthy repeated almost verbatim in a speech to the Senate in late February 1950.[51] McCarthy received financial support from Craig R. Sheaffer, president of the W.A. Sheaffer Pen Co. who had recently appointed assistant secretary of commerce in the Eisenhower administration. Sheaffer also made contributions to other “fighters against communism,” particularly Merwin K. Hart.[52]

McCormick was a friend of Hary Jung, who was associated with NAM, who operated out of offices in McCormick’s Tribune Tower.[53] Jung was motivated by a search for what he saw as a Jewish-communist conspiracy. Jung was instrumental in being one of the first to distribute The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion in America. Jung obtained the Protocols from three White Russian expatriates, one of whom was Peter Afanasieff, a close associate of Boris Brasol, who arrived in San Francisco, California in 1922.[54] Jung was the former editor of the Chicago based paper The American Gentile, published by Afanassieff and former Czarist officer Victor de Kayville. The magazine published articles by James True and Robert Edward Edmondson, and provided by World-Service.[55]

Jung founded the American Vigilante Intelligence Federation (AVIF) in 1927, in an attempt to track radicalism among labor union members. According to Russ Bellant, the political histories of the founders of the ASC “go back to the racialist and anti-Semitic groups in the 1930s that were working in concert with Hitler’s war aims. Three groups in particular would later provide elements of the future ASC: the America First Committee, the American Vigilante Intelligence Federation and the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies.”[56] The AVIF became involved with Nazi agents in the U.S, and in 1942, Jung’s East Coast operative, Col. Eugene Sanctuary, another associate of Brasol, was indicted by the Justice Department for sedition.[57]

Jung and others with links to the Nazis was also linked the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies (ACPS), which was also affiliated with the Shickshinny Knights of Malta.[58] It was headed by Captain John Bond Trevor Sr. (1878–1956), an American lawyer and the secretary of the Pioneer Fund.[59] Trevor was referred to “one of the most influential unelected officials affiliated with the U.S. Congress. Following World War I, Trevor worked in military intelligence, and belonged to the circle of Madison Grant, author of The Passing of the Great Race (1916).[60] Trevor worked with William Kullgren, who distributed Nazi literature and sought to “awaken America to the diabolical Jew control.”[61] Trevor was also one of the US sponsors of Communism in Germany, a book published in Nazi Germany to celebrate the victory of National socialism over “Jewish Marxist-Bolshevism.”[62] Prior to World War II, Trevor, as head of the ACPS, collaborated on a number of projects designed to distribute Nazi propaganda. In 1942, according to investigative journalist Adam Miller, the coalition “was named in a U.S. Justice Department sedition indictment for pro-National socialist activities.”[63]

Jung was a member of the National Civic Federation, founded in by a former Chicago newspaperman, Ralph M. Easley. Other members included Hamilton Fish and George Sylvester Viereck.[64] Early in 1933, Easley became chairman of an organization called the American Section of the International Committee to Combat the World Menace of Communism (ICCWMC), whose international headquarters were in Europa House, Berlin. The committee included Fish, Harry Jung and John B. Trevor.[65] In 1933, the committee sponsored the publication in the United States of a translation of a Nazi book called Communism in Germany by Adolf Ehrt, who claimed that Jews were responsible for communism in Germany, and that only Adolf Hitler could stop it. Thousands of copies were shipped across the Atlantic for distribution in America. Under pressure from American Jewish and liberal groups, Fish and the other committee members disavowed the book.[66]

McCarthy’s most blatant association with fascism was his collaboration with the Gerald L.K. Smith and Fulton Lewis, Jr., whose radio show was broadcast on the Mutual Broadcasting System, which was affiliated with McCormick’s Chicago Tribune. In September 1953, when Anna M. Rosenberg’s name was put forward for the job of assistant secretary of defense, Gerald L.K. Smith launched a public attack against her as a communist sympathizer. The New York Post recounted that “Benjamin R. Freedman and Gerald L. K. Smith had already been whooping it up against Mrs. Rosenberg… Rep. Clare Hoffman (R.-Mich.), one of McCarthy’s allies in the House, inserted Smith’s racist article about her in the Congressional Record, where they could get the maximum circulation without the danger of a libel suit.”[67] When Smith contacted McCarthy and presented the evidence, McCarthy supplied it to Fulton Lewis, Jr., who for several days boasted to his 15 million radio listeners that he had evidence proving Rosenberg’s “communism.”[68]

American Jewish League Against Communism

Also aiding McCarthy were “a number of other prominent Coughlinites, isolationists and groups with special interests in China. Chief among these is Robert Harriss, the cotton broker who handled Father Coughlin’s silver speculations.”[69] McCarthy connections to the China Lobby happened through his close association with one of its most vocal advocates, Alfred Kohlberg (1887 – 1960). Despite his association with anti-Semtes, Kohlberg was a Jew. Kohlberg was an American textile importer and staunch anti-Communist. As early as June 24, 1947, Kohlherg became interested in Merwin K. Hart and ordered 100 copies of the National Economic Council’s Bulletin.[70]

Kohlberg was a member of American Jewish League Against Communism (AJLAC), which was founded in 1946, with financial backing from Bernard Baruch, who was listed among the founders, benefactors and strategists of the ASC.[71] Dr. Kuttner Baruch, Bernard Baruch’ grandfather, had been connected with the early KKK.[72] In his autobiography, Bernard Baruch describes discovering under his father’s belongings, “a white hood and long robe with crimson cross on its breast—the regalia of a Knight of the Ku Klux Klan.”[73] The AJLAC however insisted that they were not enabling anti-Semites, but rather that they were countering the stereotype that all Jews were communists.[74]

One of the purposes of the AJLAC was to counter the widespread perception that stereotypically identified Jewish with progressive and liberal causes. As reported in Time magazine in 1938, there are two kinds of American Jews: “Americans who are Jews,” or Americans of the Jewish faith, or who admit Jewish ancestry; and “a smaller but more articulate group” of “Jews in America.” The No. 1 “Jew in America,” claims the article, was Sabbatean Reform Rabbi Stephen Samuel Wise, who was an active supporter of progressive causes. Since 1924, Wise had served alternately as president and honorary president of the American Jewish Congress which he founded with fellow Sabbateans, Supreme Court Justice Louis Dembitz Brandeis and Felix Frankfurter.

The AJLAC was founded by Benjamin Schultz, “the most disliked American” rabbi of the mid-twentieth century. Schultz attacked his own teacher, the renowned Reform rabbi Stephen Wise, whom he denounced as “Chief Rabbi of our Communists.”[75] While most American Jews, then as now, tended to be politically left of center, particularly after the right was repeatedly identified with Nazis and Nazi sympathizers, by contrast the AJLAC moved to support Schultz’s close friend Senator McCarthy.[76] Schultz told the House Un-American Activities Committee that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to be a Communist-controlled organization intent on creating unrest among the African American population.[77] Schultz called on the National Conference of Christians and Jews to investigate the infiltration of communists in churches and sought to “root the Communists and fellow travelers out of government, education, churches and synagogues.”[78] In 1950, Schultz formed a special committee concerned with the broadcasting business, where a “blacklist” of radio and TV actors, writers, directors and other personnel were published in a booklet called “Red Channels.”[79] As a result, he was also disliked by most non-southern Jews throughout the country.[80]

The AJLAC included among its writers and sponsors George Sokolsky, Roy Cohn, Lawrence Fertig, Alfred Kohlberg, Frank Chodorov, Maj. Gen. Julius Klein, Eugene Lyons, Morrie Ryskind, Marvin Liebman, and Ralph de Toledano.[81] During the final years of World War II, Liebman was finally given a blue discharge for homosexuality. Over the next several years, Liebman became increasingly involved in Jewish/Israeli political issues, working in various volunteer and paid positions for the American League for a Free Palestine, United Jewish Appeal, Aguduth Israel and the American Fund for Israel Institutions. In 1947, Liebman also worked with Irgun, a right-wing terrorist organization which was attempting to secure Israeli independence through a campaign of bombings aimed at the Arabs and British.[82]

In 1961, Fertig wrote Prosperity Through Freedom published by Regnery. He was on the board of trustees of the FEE’s monthly journal, The Freeman. Fertig was a close friend of Hazlit and Ludwig von Mises, and as member of the NYU board of trustees was instrumental in supporting von Mises when he fled Europe to the United States during the rise of the Third Reich.[83] Lyons was a former Trotskyite whose political views shifted to the right, and for a time he was editor with Reader’s Digest, Plain Talk and National Review. He was also involved with Radio Free Europe. Ryskind, a friend Ayn Rand, would become friend to William F. Buckley, Jr. and future U.S. President Ronald Reagan. In the 1950s, he contributed articles to The Freeman. The Freeman, which owed a third of its financial resources to Alfred Kohlberg, devoted much attention to the defense of McCarthy.[84]

George Sokolsky was a weekly radio broadcaster for the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) and a columnist for The New York Herald Tribune, who later switched to The New York Sun and other Hearst newspapers. Sokolsky, a friend of J.B. Matthews, became a vocal supporter of Senator Joseph McCarthy, an intimate of J. Edgar Hoover, and a close friend of Roy Cohn. Cohn eventually dedicated McCarthy, his sympathetic study of his former employer, to Sokolsky.

Through his connections with influential journalists, Schultz began to appear frequently in newspaper columns around the country. Based on information that provided by J.B. Matthews via Red Channels, Schultz and the AJLAC demanded that the Aldrich Family television show drop one of its three stars, Jean Muir, because her name appeared in 1949 on the letterhead of an alleged Communist-front group called the Congress of American Women. In response to Schultz’s pressure, the show’s sponsor, the General Foods Corporation, pulled Muir from the cast. The matter became a cause célèbre, widely reported in the press, including a condemnation in Time magazine. Schultz’s name also appear in Ed Sullivan’s syndicated column, Little Old New York. Schultz even turned his attention against two American icons, Fleet Admiral Chester W. Nimitz and Secretary of Defense General George Marshall.

Jewish groups, who came to reject what they considered outrageous accusations, included the American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress, the Anti-Defamation League, the Jewish Labor Committee, the National [Jewish] Community Relations Advisory Council, the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and the Jewish War Veterans. The controversy marked a significant turning point for the AJLAC. According to Fern Marja, in “The Strange Case of Rabbi Benjamin Schultz” for the New York Post in December 5, 1954, after this “the rabbi had to turn more and more to the American Legion and the Minute Women of America” for support. The New York County American Legion convention presented Schultz with its annual Americanism Award before two thousand delegates in attendance.[85]

J. Edgar Hoover’s Masters of Deceit, mentioned Schultz favorably, placing him alongside Bishop Fulton J. Sheen and Bernard M. Baruch, and mentioned that, in 1955, “he opened the U.S. Senate in prayer.” An article in the Southeast Georgian maintained that Schultz had “been associated with Bernard Baruch, the Senior Editors of Readers Digest, General A. A. Weidrenauer [sic], and Senator Barry Goldwater.”[86] Schultz’s notoriety led him to be named in the early versions of the musical Hair along with Richard M. Nixon, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Pope.

Citizen Cohn

The AJLAC held a copy of an FBI report on Communists within the US government, which they decided to expose to the American public. The AJLAC settled on supporting Senator Joe McCarthy and had Roy Cohn appointed as his chief counsel. Schultz had come across a pamphlet called Definition of Communism, written by G. David Schine. Schultz then introduced Schine to Sokolsky, who introduced him to Cohn, who in turn introduced him to McCarthy.[87] Cohn was described by Michael Kruse in Politico as, “a tangle of contradictions, a Jewish anti-Semite and a homosexual homophobe, vehemently closeted but insatiably promiscuous.”[88] Cohn’s anti-Semitism and staunch anti-communism was portrayed as from one who strongly identified as a Jew, but who felt that Jewish organizations did not do enough to support those Jews who were advancing the fight against communism. Cohn was remembered by college friends as “reacting almost violently to any Jew suspected of pro-communist leanings”[89] A TV producer claimed that Cohn had said that “although not all Jews are Communists, but all Communists are Jews.”[90]

Cohn was also a member of the US Department of Justice’s prosecution team at the 1951 espionage trial of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. Cohn’s direct examination of Ethel’s brother, David Greenglass, produced testimony that was central to the Rosenbergs’ conviction and subsequent execution. On June 18, 1952, Cohn was awarded a plaque by the AJLAC for outstanding accomplishment in the cause of Americanism and his noteworthy devotion to the principles of Judaism.[91] The trial brought Cohn to the attention FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, who recommended him to McCarthy. In 1955, Hoover was made a Thirty-Third Degree Inspector General Honorary in the Southern Scottish Rite Jurisdiction, and was also awarded the Scottish Rite’s highest recognition, the Grand Cross of Honor in 1965.[92]

McCarthy was finally disgraced when the Army charged Cohn and McCarthy of using improper pressure to procure special treatment for Cohn’s lover David Schine when he was drafted in 1953. Cohn had invited Schine to join McCarthy’s staff as a consultant. When Schine was drafted into the US Army in 1953, Cohn made repeated and extensive efforts to procure special treatment for Schine. At one point he even threatened to “wreck the Army” if his demands were not met. That conflict, along with McCarthy’s accusations of Communists in the defense department, led to the Army–McCarthy hearings of 1954. One of the most famous moments during the hearings, marking the end of McCarthy’s crusade, came on June 9, when the Army’s lead counsel, Joseph Welch, responded to a McCarthy attack with the words “Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you left no sense of decency?” Two days later Senator Ralph E. Flanders (R-VT) introduced a Senate resolution to censure McCarthy.

Rabbi Schultz was so upset by this development that he planned a series of gala evenings for Cohn to take place in various locations on the East Coast. Time magazine described the first of these dinners, held on July 29 in Manhattan, as “One Enchanted Evening.” Schultz awarded Cohn with a plaque “in recognition of his battle for his God and country, which has inspired America,” stating that “The plain people [of America] know that the loss of Cohn is like the loss of a dozen battleships.” Presentations and speeches included talks by Sokolsky, Fulton Lewis, Jr., and Teddy Roosevelt’s son, Archibald. To great applause, Rabbi Schultz introduced ‘My Hero,’ Joe McCarthy.[93]

But the speech which drew the most applause, according to Murray Rothbard, and which gained a considerable amount of notoriety, was a speech which he had written delivered by George Reisman. The speech, explains Rothbard, “asked why the intensity of the hatred against Cohn and McCarthy by the liberal intellectuals; and it answered that a threat against Communists in government was also felt to be a threat against the ‘Socialists and New Dealers, who have been running our political life for the last twenty-one years, and are still running it!’”[94] The speech concluded in a “rousing populist appeal” that,

As the Chicago Tribune aptly put it, the Case of Roy Cohn is the American Dreyfus Case. As Dreyfus was redeemed, so will Roy Cohn when the American people have taken back their government from the criminal alliance of Communists, Socialists, New Dealers, and Eisenhower-Dewey Republicans.[95]

In 1960, Schultz returned to the rabbinate in Brunswick, and two years later transferred to Temple Beth Israel of Clarksdale, Mississippi, from 1962 until his death in 1978. Clarksdale’s citizens are famous for their civil rights activism and Clarksdale’s police department is equally infamous for their efforts to suppress those rights. Schultz was well-liked in Clarksdale and the area for the reason that he was not beloved by his regional colleagues who openly supported the Civil Rights Movement.[96] Schultz especially angered his fellow rabbis serving Mississippi congregations when on October 24, 1962, in which he declared that “America Needs More Mississippi.” Schultz emphasized that the United States needed more people who would stand up for constitutional government [i.e. “states’ rights”], for patriotic principle, for American interests in the face of the Communist threat. One of the most enthusiastic responses in support of Schultz’s message came from the White Citizens’ Council.[97]

John Birch Society

Schultz, who reportedly expressed “vile anti-Black positions about fellow Americans of different pigmentation and color,” maintained “good warm relations” with the White Citizens Councils and the John Birch Society.”[98] Members of the AJLAC were closely affiliated with the John Birch Society (JBS). It was Fellowship member Merwin K. Hart who drew up the plans for the JBS in 1958 and handed them over to its founder Robert Welch Jr. (1899 – 1985).[99] The ASC and the Shickshinny Knights also shared many members with the society, into which they introduced their rabid anti-communism, non-interventionism and the idea limited government.

It was the JBS who pioneered the Military-Industrial Complex’s use of a conspiratorial view of history to present communism as a menace to American “freedom” and “democracy.” Chip Berlet, a senior analyst at Political Research Associates, who has been following the JBS and other right-wing groups for years, described the organization as “…an unbroken ideologically-driven conspiracy linking the Illuminati, the French Revolution, the rise of Marxism and Communism, the Council on Foreign Relations, and the United Nations.”[100]

According to the Reverend Johnny Lee Clary, who describes himself as a former imperial wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, before abandoning his white supremacist ideology and converting to Christianity, “The John Birch Society is just a political version of the KKK, without the name of the KKK. They center on the political ideas of the Klan and are not as vocal in public on the ideas of the racial superiority, but they attract the same people and say the same things behind closed doors.”[101] Clary adds:

The John Birch Society’s function is to recruit professional people into their ranks of anti-government conspiracy freaks, that would be too afraid to join an organization with the name of the KKK. They suck these people into their ranks and use the donations to further the cause of radical un-American fascist racist KKK activities. This is a ploy for the KKK to get funding to help spread their agenda.[102]

Founding members of the JBS included Harry Lynde Bradley, co-founder of the Allen Bradley Company and the right-wing Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, and Fred C. Koch, founder of Koch Industries, and father of the infamous Koch brothers, Charles and David. Koch Industries started out as Winkler-Koch, which between 1929 and 1932 trained Bolshevik engineers and helped Stalin’s regime set up modern oil refineries in the Soviet Union.[103] The company also built installations in countries throughout Europe, the Middle East and Asia. According to Jane Mayer, author of Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right, Koch partnered with William Rhodes Davis to build the third-largest oil refinery serving the Third Reich, a project which was personally approved by Adolf Hitler.[104] In his biography of Davis, Dale Harrington writes that Davis, who was “deeply committed to Nazism,” met several times with Hitler and on one occasion asked him to personally autograph a copy of Mein Kampf for his wife.[105] Davis whose extensive business dealings with Hitler would eventually end in accusations by a federal prosecutor that he was an “agent of influence” for the Nazi regime. Fred also chose that his oldest sons, Charles and Frederick, were raised by a German nanny who was described by other family members as just an ardent Nazi. After five years working for the family, she left in 1940 when Hitler entered France because she wanted to celebrate with the Führer.[106]

According to a 1956 AP article, Fred Koch was among 11 prominent residents of Wichita, Kansas who traveled to Moscow “in an effort to convince the Russian people that Soviet propaganda about capitalists is untrue.”[107] However, on his return, Koch began to denounce communism, and joined in the founding of the John Birch Society. In 1961, Koch published a pamphlet titled “A Businessman Looks At Communism,” in which he recounted his travels with a “hardcore Communist” named Jerome Livshitz, from whom he supposedly learned first-hand about the subversive tactics of the communists. He warned of a massive communist conspiracy to take control of America, saying that the Reds were eroding American universities, churches, political parties, the media and every branch of government. Ominously, Koch wrote that one of the “Potential Methods of Communist Take-over in U.S.A. by Internal Subversion” was “Infiltration of high offices of government and political parties until the President of the U.S. is a Communist… Even the Vice Presidency would do as it could be easily arranged for the President to commit suicide.”[108] “Maybe you don't want to be controversial by getting mixed up in this anti-communist battle,” Koch said in said in a speech to a Women’s Republican Club in 1961. “But you won't be very controversial lying in a ditch with a bullet in your brain.”[109]

A candy manufacturer, JBS founder Robert Welch was a member of the board of the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) in the late 1940s. The top officials of the JBS in the 1950s were all former officials of NAM.[110] According to at least one scholar, NAM had been the “foundation” for Welch’s later organization of the JBS in 1958.[111] After he moved to the United States, NAM advisor Ludwig von Mises became a member of the Editorial Advisory Board of American Opinion, published by Welch’s of the John Birch Society, and wrote an article for it, “On the International Monetary Problem.”[112] In the early 1950s, Regnery Publishing also published two his books.

The extreme anti-communism of the JBS was expressed by Welch, who once called President Eisenhower “a dedicated, conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy.”[113] In May God Forgive Us, Welch criticized influential foreign-policy analysts and policymakers and accused many of working to further Communism as part of a conspiracy. The JBS opposed the 1960s Civil Rights Movement and claimed the movement had Communists in important positions. It also opposes the United Nations and all attempts at creating a North American Union, as part of a global “communist” conspiracy headed by the supposedly left-leaning CFR to create a “one world government.” On its website, the Birch Society describes it mission as to:

 …to warn against and expose the forces that seek to abolish U.S. independence, build a world government, or otherwise undermine our personal liberties and national independence. The John Birch Society endorses the U.S. Constitution as the foundation of our national government, and works toward educating and activating Americans to abide by the original intent of the Founding Fathers. We seek to awaken a sleeping and apathetic people concerning the designs of those who are working to destroy our constitutional Republic.[114]

However, Eustace Mullins claims that he was told personally by one of its founders, Revilo Oliver, that the John Birch Society was created by Nelson Rockefeller who appointed Robert C. Welch, a 32º Mason, to found and run the organization.[115] Ultimately, the JBS castigates the Illuminati, who they claim infiltrated the Freemasons, an otherwise noble and truly patriotic organization. The organization qualified their publication of the John Robison’s Proof of a Conspiracy, exposing the Illuminati, and originally published in 1789, with:

Let it be stressed that the present publication of Robison’s work is not intended to open old wounds or create new animosity or distrust toward Freemasonry, whose adherents today certainly number among our staunchest patriots and anti-Communists… The conspirators have long since discarded Freemasonry as their vehicle. If clever conspirators could use - of all groups - so fine a group as the Masons, we must open our minds to consider what infinite possibilities are available to them in our own present day society. Their main habitat these days seems to be the great subsidized universities, tax-free foundations, mass media communications, governmental bureaus such as the State Department, and a myriad of private organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations…[116]

It was the JBS that published Cleon Skousen’s The Naked Communist. Skousen served sixteen years in the FBI, but lied that for four of them he was an “Administrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover during World War II, a top assignment.”[117] Skousen also served as Field Director for the American Security Council until 1962.[118] The Chief of Police in Salt Lake City described him as “a very dangerous man because he preaches one thing, practices another, does not tell the truth, and cannot be relied upon.”[119] The JBS also published None Dare Call it a Conspiracy—the work of its spokesman Gary Allen—which discussed the Rothschilds, Warburgs, the Federal Reserve banking system and the Council on Foreign Relations, and which is said to have sold five million copies worldwide.

National Review 

The first New Right, succeeding the Old Right, was centered around the libertarians, traditionalists, and anti-communists at William F. Buckley’s National Review,[120] which was closely aligned with the John Birch Society and the American Jewish League Against Communism (AJLAC). “The guts of the New Conservatism,” wrote Murray Rothbard, “was the mobilization of Big Government for the worldwide crusade against Communism.” From Rothbard’s point of view, it was Buckley and his journal, the National Review, who were largely at fault for this “betrayal.”[121] According to Rothbard:

…we should now ask whether or not a major objective of National Review from its inception was to transform the right wing from an isolationist to global warmongering anti-Communist movement; and, particularly, whether or not the entire effort was in essence a CIA operation.[122]

Buckley not only worked for the CIA, but was a Knight of Malta, a member of the Mont Pelerin Society and the Council on Foreign Relations, and served as the first president of Chodorov’s Intercollegiate Studies Institute (ISI). Buckley’s father, William F. Buckley Sr. was an oilman whose holdings at the time of his death in 1958 were estimated at $110 million.[123] One of Buckley’s favorite authors, Albert Jay Nock, became a personal friend of his father. Another of his father’s friends was ASC founder Merwin K. Hart. In 1941, Buckley, then 15, attended an America First rally in Madison Square Garden addressed by Charles Lindbergh.[124]

At the end of World War II in 1945, Buckley had enrolled at Yale University, where he became a member of the secret Skull and Bones. According to Alexandra Robbins, author of Secrets of the Tomb, there is a Skull and Bones cell in the CIA.[125] Gaddis Smith, a history professor at Yale, said, “Yale has influenced the Central Intelligence Agency more than any other university, giving the CIA the atmosphere of a class reunion.”[126] In 1951, like some of his classmates in the Ivy League, and at the urging of Kendall, Buckley joined the CIA, where he served for two years including one year in Mexico City as a political action specialist in the elite Special Activities Division, where Hunt was his immediate boss.[127] Buckley was also a long-time friend of Watergate burglar and JFK assassination suspect E. Howard Hunt. When Hunt became the Station Chief of the CIA’s Office of Policy Coordination in Mexico City in 1950, he recruited and supervised Buckley who worked in Mexico during the period 1951–1952. Buckley and Hunt remained lifelong friends and Buckley became godfather to Hunt’s first three children.[128]

The book that ignited Buckley’s career, was God and Man at Yale, in which he criticized Yale and its faculty for forcing collectivist, Keynesian, and secularist ideology on its students, and which was published by ASC founder Henry Regnery’s publishing company. Among those present at the dinner honoring Buckley on the publication of the book at the University Club in October 22, 1951, were Merwin K. Hart, Joseph P. Kamp, Alfred Kohlberg and J.B. Matthews.[129]

Buckley was a traditionalist Catholic who attended the Latin Mass, even after Vatican II reforms, which Buckley disagreed with. His son, the novelist Christopher Buckley, explained: “Pup was a defiantly pre-Vatican II Catholic.” Buckley had a priest say “a private Latin mass for him” every Sunday.[130] In 1954, Buckley with his brother-in-law L. Brent Bozell Jr., who shared his traditionalist Catholicism, co-wrote a book, McCarthy and His Enemies, which strongly defended Senator Joseph McCarthy as a patriotic crusader against communism.

At Yale, Buckley was most influenced by Willmoore Kendall. Kendall had been a Trotskyite who had studied in England as a Rhodes scholar, served in the OSS during World War II, and then the CIA, and then became a Yale professor. Kendall introduced Buckley to James Burnham, who was also published by Regnery. Kendall and Burnham were part of the initial team when Buckley launched National Review magazine in 1955. Other ex- Trotskyites and CIA veterans also served among the early members of National Review, which had a major impact in stimulating the conservative movement. Buckley’s colleague Frank Meyer, reflecting on the fact that Buckley, his sister Priscilla, Kendall and Burnham were all CIA, suspected that the National Review was run by Burnham as a CIA operation.[131]

Buckley shared a close friend with Otto von Habsburg, fellow Knight of Malta and member of the Philadelphia Society, Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, an Austrian political scientist and journalist and an adjunct scholar of the Ludwig von Mises Institute. Describing himself as a “liberal of the extreme right,” Kuehnelt-Leddihn often argued that majority rule in democracies is a threat to individual liberties, and declared himself a monarchist and an enemy of all forms of totalitarianism. In Liberty or Equality (1952), his magnum opus, Kuehnelt-Leddihn presented his arguments for the superiority of monarchy. His best-known writings appeared in Buckley’s National Review, where he was a columnist for 35 years. According to Buckley, Kuehnelt-Leddihn was “the world’s most fascinating man.”[132]

Buckley’s arch-rival Gore Vidal implied that, in addition to being a “racist, antiblack, anti-Semitic and a pro-crypto Nazi,”[133] Buckley was also a homosexual.[134] Buckley ended up suing Vidal and Esquire, where the charges were published. However, according to Buckley’s biographer John B. Judis, “fearful of a jury trial,” Buckley settled with Esquire and dropped his suit against Vidal. Despite his known stance against homosexuality, Buckley’s and J. Edgar Hoover’s names were published in The Homosexual Handbook, which listed them among “Practical Homosexuals, Past and Present.” Buckley reached out to Hoover about filing a joint lawsuit against Olympia Press, owned by synarchist publisher Maurice Girodias, but Hoover cautioned Buckley against that the damage had been done, and additional attention would only make things worse.

The National Review’s chief backer Roger Milliken, who is known as a political godfather to the American conservative movement. Milliken was a fellow Yale alumnus, a member of Wolf’s Head.[135] Milliken was CEO of his family’s company, Milliken & Company for 71 years, during which it grew to become the world’s largest privately owned textile and chemical manufacturer. Milliken, a one-time FEE board member, was an ardent devotee and backer of Robert Lefevre, and kept his Freedom School financially stable for the rest of Lefevre’s teaching career.[136] Training for executives in LeFevre’s libertarian philosophy was part of Milliken & Company’s strategy for over a decade. Milliken got hooked on LeFevre when a group of his top executives attended the Freedom School without him, and effectively threatened to quit if Milliken didn’t go see for himself what LeFevre had to say. After one exposure to LeFevre, Milliken gave him $100,000.[137] Milliken was also a member of the National Voter Advisory Board of the ASC.[138]

ASC member and Shickshinny Knight General Charles Willoughby was an associate editor of the National Review for several years and also member of the national advisory board of the Young Americans for Freedom (YAF).[139] In 1960, Buckley and AJLAC member Marvin Liebman helped form the YAF, an ideologically conservative youth activism organization that was founded in 1960 as a coalition between traditional conservatives and libertarians on American college campuses. The selected advisory board for YAF included Senator Strom Thurmond, Senator John Tower, Ronald Reagan, Professor Lev Dobriansky, and Robert J. Morris.[140]

The YAF was dominated by homosexuals. According to Buckley, “If there are only 2.5 percent gays in America, I know them all.”[141] Buckley was an admirer of Roy Cohn. And, as their voluminous correspondence shows, Buckley extremely fond of closeted homosexual Whittaker Chambers. In addition to Buckley, original YAF and American Conservative Union (ACU) founders included Robert E. Bauman, who Buckley had considered a comrade in arms.[142] In 1980, while running for re-election, Bauman was charged for attempting to solicit sex from a sixteen-year-old male prostitute. In 1990, Liebman announced his homosexuality in a widely publicized letter to Buckley, his close friend and mentor. Buckley also supported Democrat activist Al Lowenstein, who was well known for his ability to attract energetic young volunteers for his political causes. In the early 1960s, he briefly served as dean of Stern Hall, then a men’s dormitory at Stanford University, during which time he met and befriended undergraduate students David Harris and Sweeney. Lowenstein was homosexual, and according to Alan Ehrenhalt of the Washington Post, “His endless visits to college campuses in the 1950s and 1960s were predominantly efforts to recruit political talent, but they were something else as well.”[143]

The most famous authors of the AJLAC, also went to work for the National Review.[144] Frank Chodorov was close to Buckley, writing as an associate editor for National Review, and Buckley served as the first president of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute when it was founded in 1953. AJLAC members joining the National Review also included former Trotskyite Eugene Lyons, and Morrie Ryskind who lent money to Buckley to help start the magazine.[145] Ryskind also briefly joined the John Birch Society.[146]

Buckley and John Birch Society founder Robert Welch met in 1952. The were introduced to each other by their mutual publisher, Henry Regnery, and they maintained cordial relations throughout the 1950s, making it a point to support each other’s enterprises.[147] John Birch Society writers like Revilo Oliver often contributed to the early National Review. As Judis points out, other Birchers close to the magazine included Spruille Braden, Adolphe Menjou, and Clarence Manion.[148]

The JBS provided financial support while Bircher writers like Willi Schlamm and Medford Evans wrote for both the Birch journal American Opinion and National Review.[149] Schlamm became a Communist early in life, and was invited to the Kremlin to meet Vladimir Lenin at 16, but left the Communist Party in 1929. It was Schlamm who encouraged Buckley to found the National Review. He then became associate editor of the John Birch Society's journal, American Opinion. In the April 1961 issue of the JBS Bulletin, Robert Welch defended accusations of anti-Semitism by citing the names of Jewish members of the Society, such as Willi Schlamm, Julius Epstein, Morrie Ryskind, Alfred Kohlberg, and Rabbi Max Merritt, and indicated that the JBS had been endorsed by the AJLAC.[150]

Kohlberg, a member of the AJLAC, an American textile importer and staunch anti-Communist, a member of the “China lobby,” an ally of Senator Joe McCarthy, a friend of Robert Welch and a member of the original national council of the John Birch Society.[151] Welch, along with Jasper Crane, was a trustee of the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE). In 1945, Crane and Kohlberg started a capital campaign for the organization.[152]

“Of all the crusades William F. Buckley took on in his half century on the national political stage,” explained Alvin Felzenberg, “none did more to cement his reputation as a gatekeeper of the conservative movement — or consumed more of his time — than that which he launched against the John Birch Society.”[153] Welch wrote in a widely circulated statement, The Politician, “Could Eisenhower really be simply a smart politician, entirely without principles and hungry for glory, who is only the tool of the Communists? The answer is yes.” He went on: “With regard to… Eisenhower, it is difficult to avoid raising the question of deliberate treason.”[154]

The sensationalism of Welch’s charges against Eisenhower prompted several conservatives and Republicans, most prominently Goldwater and the intellectuals of Buckley’s circle, to renounce outright or quietly shun the group, fearful of the negative consequences his remarks might have on the entire conservative movement. Judis wrote that “Buckley was beginning to worry that with the John Birch Society growing so rapidly, the right-wing upsurge in the country would take an ugly, even Fascist turn rather than leading toward the kind of conservatism National Review had promoted.”[155] Buckley described Welch’s accusations as “subjective intention from objective consequences”[156] Although Buckley wrote an article to denounce Welch, according Judis, his response was “tempered” and he aimed “the brunt of his criticism at Welch’s philosophy rather than at the Birch Society itself.” Welch wrote Buckley to thank him, stating, “Despite the differences of opinion between both of us, which remain and are stressed, I think the article is both objectively fair and subjectively honourable.”[157]

[1] Rotberg, The Founder, pp. 101, 102. & Niall Ferguson, The House of Rothschild: The World's Banker, 1848–1998, (Penguin Books, 2000).

[2] Roderick T. Long. “Liberalism vs. Fascism.” (Mises Institute: November 25, 2005).

[3] Congress of the United States of America, June 1784, cited by Sidney Lens. The Military-Industrial Complex  (Kansas City, MO: Pilgrim Press and the National Catholic Reporter, 1970), p. 13.

[4] Cited in Ismael Hossein-zadeh. The Political Economy of U.S. Militarism (New York: Palgrave, 2006), p. 12.

[5] C. Pursell. The military–industrial complex (Harper & Row Publishers, New York, New York, 1972).

[6] “Military Industrial Complex (Issue).” Gale Encyclopedia of U.S. Economic History (The Gale Group Inc., 2000).

[7] Ibid.

[8] Daniel Leab, et al., ed. The Great Depression and the New Deal: A Thematic Encyclopedia (ABC-CLIO LLC., 2010), p. 11.

[9] “Military Industrial Complex (Issue).”

[10] Ibid.

[11] “Facing the Corporate Roots of American Fascism.” Press for Conversion. Issue 53 (April 2004).

[12] Ibid.

[13] “Businessmen.” Gale Encyclopedia of U.S. Economic History (The Gale Group Inc., 2000).

[14] “Facing the Corporate Roots of American Fascism.”

[15] Cited in Jesse Ventura. “Introduction.” Smedley Darlington Butler. War is a Racket (Skyhorse Publishing, Inc., 2016).

[16]“Munitions industry. Preliminary report on wartime taxation and price control.” US Government Printing Office (US GPO) (August 20, 1935). pp. 23, 28, 60, 113–115, 127.

[17] “Historical minute essay: Merchants of Death.” United States: Senate. Retrieved 17 January 2011. Retrieved from https://www.senate.gov/artandhistory/history/minute/merchants_of_death.htm]

[18] Ibid.

[19] Ibid.

[20] William Lynn III. “The End of the Military-Industrial Complex.” Foreign Affairs (2017), 93: 104–110.

[21] Industrial Mobilization for War: History of the War Production Board and Predecessor Agencies: 1940-1945. United States Bureau of Demobilization, Civilian Production Administration (1947). pp. 961–962.

[22] Donald N. Mccloskey. Second Thoughts: The Myths and Morals of U.S. Economic History (Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 1995), p. 39.

[23] “Military Industrial Complex (Issue).”

[24] “General Motors.” Ann Arbor Sun (April 5, 1974).

[25] Russ Bellant. Old Nazis, the New Right and the Republican Party (Boston: South End Press, 19891), pp. 30.

[26] Ibid.

[27] “Peace Through Strength,” ASC report, undated, received Dec 15, 1988.

[28] Bellant. Old Nazis, the New Right and the Republican Party, pp. 34-37.

[29] Ibid., p. 30.

[30] Turner. Power on the Right; Bellant. Old Nazis, the New Right and the Republican Party, p. 5.

[31] Lee Norrgard & Joe Rosenbloom III. “The Cold Warriors,” Common Cause Magazine, Jul/Aug 1985.

[32] Coogan. Dreamer of the Day, p. 604.

[33] Phillip F. Nelson. LBJ: The Mastermind of the JFK Assassination (Skyhorse Publishing Inc., 2013), p. 180.

[34] Andrew Gordon. A modern history of Japan (Oxford 2009), S 237.

[35] Bellant. Old Nazis, the New Right and the Republican Party, p. 31.

[36] “Facing the Corporate Roots of American Fascism.”

[37] Rafael Medoff. Jewish Americans and Political Participation: A Reference Handbook (ABC-CLIO, 2002), pp. 215-216.

[38] Kahn & Sayers. The Great Conspiracy.

[39] Ibid..

[40] Wayne S. Cole. America First: The Battle Against Intervention 1940-1941 (University of Wisconsin Press, 1953).

[41] A Legacy of Hate, p. 42; as cited in “What’s the story with the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion”?” The Straight Dope (June 30, 2000).

[42] Jeffrey Gurock, editor. America, American Jews, and the Holocaust: American Jewish History (Routledge, 2013), p. 216.

[43] “To Added Law for Curb on Reds.” The New York Times, (November 18, 1930), p. 21.

[44] Kahn & Sayers. The Great Conspiracy.

[45] Ibid.

[46] Charles R. Allen Jr. & Arthur J. Dlugoff. “McCarthy and Anti-Semitism: A Documented Expose.” Jewish Life (July, 1953).

[47] Robert Griffith & Joseph Raymond McCarthy. The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press, 1970), p. 10.

[48] Cited in Coogan. The Dreamer of the Day, p. 238.

[49] Ibid., p. 240.

[50] Arnold Forster & Benjamin R. Epstein. Cross-Currents (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, 1956), p. 248

[51] Allen & Dlugoff. “McCarthy and Anti-Semitism: A Documented Expose.”

[52] Ibid.

[53] Nick Fischer. Spider Web: The Birth of American Anticommunism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2016), p. 92; Albert E. Kahn & Michael M. Sayer. The Great Conspiracy: The Secret War Against Soviet Russia. 1st ed (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1946), chap. XXIII.

[54] Spence. “The Tsar’s Other Lieutenant,” p. 691.

[55] Carlson. Under Cover.

[56] Bellant. Old Nazis, the New Right and the Republican Party, p. 31.

[57] Ibid., p. 32.

[58] Ibid.

[59] Tucker. The Funding of Scientific Racism, p. 7.

[60] John Higham. “American Immigration Policy in Historical Perspective. Law and Contemporary Problems,” Vol. 21, No. 2, Immigration (Spring, 1956), pp. 213-235.

[61] Carlson. Under Cover, pp. 147-149, 196.

[62] Communism in Germany (Berlin: Eckart Verlag, 1933).

[63] Adam Miller is quoted in M. A. Lee. The Beast Reawakens (Boston: Little, Brown, 1997), p. 365.

[64] Kahn & Sayers. The Great Conspiracy.

[65] Ibid..

[66] Richard Gid Powers. Not Without Honor: The History of American Anticommunism (1998), p. 91.

[67] Allen & Dlugoff. “McCarthy and Anti-Semitism: A Documented Expose.”

[68] Ibid.

[69] Ibid.

[70] Ibid.

[71] Paul Gottfried. “Consensus Historian.” The American Conservative (April 1, 2010).

[72] Susan Lawrence Davis. Authentic History, Ku Klux Klan, 1865-1877 (New York) pp. 45-47.

[73] James Grant. Bernard Baruch: The Adventures of a Wall Street Legend (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983) p. 7.

[74] George H. Nash. Reappraising the Right: The Past and Future of American Conservatism (ISI Books, 2009), p. 182.

[75] Allen Krause. “Rabbi Benjamin Schultz and the American Jewish League Against Communism: From McCarthy to Mississippi.” Southern Jewish History. Volume 13 (2010), p. 153.

[76] Gottfried. “Consensus Historian.”

[77] Krause. “Rabbi Benjamin Schultz,” p. 153.

[78] Morris Kaplan. “Rabbi Benjamin Schultz, Crusader Against Communist Infiltration.” New York Times (April 25, 1978).

[79] Ibid.

[80] Krause. “Rabbi Benjamin Schultz,” p. 153.

[81] Gottfried. “Consensus Historian.”

[82] Bart Barnes. “Gay Rights Activist Marvin Liebman Dies.” Washington Post (April 2, 1997).

[83] Lew Rockwell. “Why Austrian Economics Matters". Mises.org.

[84] Charles R. Allen Jr. and Arthur J. Dlugoff. “McCarthy and Anti-Semitism: A Documented Expose.” Jewish Life (July, 1953).

[85] Krause. “Rabbi Benjamin Schultz,” p. 169.

[86] Ibid., p. 182.

[87] Ibid., p. 170.

[88] Michael Kruse “He Brutalized For You: How Joseph McCarthy henchman Roy Cohn became Donald Trump’s mentor.” Politico.com (April 08, 2016).

[89] Aviva Weingarten. Jewish Organizations’ Response to Communism and Senator McCarthy (Vallentine Mitchell, 2008) p. 92.

[90] Ibid.

[91] “Memorandum to Mr, D. M, Ladd from A, H. Belmont. Re: ROY MARCUS COHN.” Federal Bureau of Investigation.

[92] Eric Goldschein and Robert Johnson. “The Most Powerful Freemasons Ever.” Business Insider (September 15, 2011).

[93] Krause. “Rabbi Benjamin Schultz,” p. 172.

[94] Murray N. Rothbard. The Betrayal of the American Right (Auburn, AL, 2007), 156.

[95] Ibid.

[96] Krause. “Rabbi Benjamin Schultz,” p. 204.

[97] Ibid., p. 188.

[98] Ibid., p. 200, 202.

[99] Ames. “Meet Charles Koch’s Brain.”; Rick Perlstein. Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (New York: Nation Books, 2001), p. 113.

[100] Andrew Reinbach. “President Ron Paul? Ron Paul and the John Birch Society.” Huffington Post (July 5, 2011).

[101] Johnny Lee Clary. “Questions & Answers.” www.johnnyleeclary.com (Accessed January 3, 2010). Retrieved from http://www.johnnyleeclary.com:80/files/page.php?p=81

[102] Ibid.

[103] Prof. Alexander Igolkin. “Learning From American Experience.” Oil of Russia (November 1, 2006)

[104] Nicholas Confessore. “Father of Koch Brothers Helped Build Nazi Oil Refinery, Book Says.” The New York Times (January 11, 2016).

[105] Jane Mayer. Dark Money.

[106] Ibid.

[107] As cited in Yasha Levine. “The Roots of Stalin in the Tea Party Movement.” Alternet (April 16, 2010).

[108] Daniel Schulman. Sons of Wichita: How the Koch Brothers Became America’s Most Powerful and Private Dynasty (Hachette Book Group, 2014). 

[109] “Bircher Warns of America of Massive Conspiracy.” Lawrence Journal (August 16, 1961), as cited in Yasha Levine. “The Roots of Stalin in the Tea Party Movement.” Alternet (April 16, 2010).

[110] Yeadon & Hawkins. Nazi Hydra in America, p.. 164.

[111] J. Soffer (2001). “The National Association of Manufacturers and the Militarization of American Conservatism.” The Business History Review, 75(4), 775-805.

[112] David Gordon. “Mises and Cosmopolitanism.” Mises Institute (September 20, 2017). Retrieved from https://mises.org/wire/mises-and-cosmopolitanism

[113] Bellant. The Coors Connection, p. 38.

[114] “Far-Right John Birch Society 2010.” ABCNews.com (February 19, 2010).

[115] Eustace Mullins. Murder by Injection (Omnia Veritas Limited, 2016)

[116] James Robison. Proofs of a Conspiracy (Western Islands Publishers, 1976, 1789), Introduction.

[117] Ernie Lazar. “W. Cleon Skosen. The Mythology Surrounding His FBI Career” rev. 12/12/11. [https://sites.google.com/site/ernie124102/skousen]

[118] Sean Wilentz. “Confounding Fathers: The Tea Party’s Cold War Roots.” The New Yorker, (October 18, 2010).

[119] FBI HQ file 67-69602, #286; 8/8/60 letter from J. Bracken Lee to Mrs. Elizabeth Laine, Arcadia Cambridge Analytica, cited in Ernie Lazar. W. Cleon Skosen. “The Mythology Surrounding His FBI Career.” Retrieved from https: //sites.google.com/site/ernie124102/skousen

[120] Bruce Frohnen, Jeremy Beer & Jeffrey O. Nelson (2006) American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia (ISI Books: Wilmington, DE).

[121] Cited in Allen Krause. “Rabbi Benjamin Schultz,” p. 153.

[122] Murray N. Rothbard. The Betrayal of the American Right (Auburn, AL, 2007), 159, 161.

[123] Robert Sherrill. “William F. Buckley Lived Off Evil As Mold Lives Off Garbage.” The Nation (June 11, 1989).

[124] George Will. “Buckley captained conservatism before it was hijacked.” Washington Post (June 1, 2017).

[125] Ibid., Kindle Location 91.

[126] Cited in Kevin Phillips. American Dynasty: Aristocracy, Fortune, and the Politics of Deceit in the House of Bush (Penguin, 2004).

[127] William F. Buckley Jr. “Howard Hunt, RIP.” UExpress.com (January 26, 2007)

[128] Ibid.

[129] Sigmund Diamond. Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945-1955 (Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 170.

[130] Br. Daniel Maria Klimek. “William F. Buckley’s Little-Known Devotion to Italian Mystic Maria Valtorta.” Church POP (April 5, 2016).

[131] Diamond. Compromised Campus, p. 329.

[132] “Erik Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddih (1909–1999).” Religion & Liberty 9 (5), 1999, p. 3.

[133] “Buckley Drops Vidal Suite, Settles With Esquire.” New York Times (September 26, 1972).

[134] Bob Colacello. “Mr. and Mrs. Right.” Vanity Fair (January 2009).

[135] “Six Yale Societies Elect 90 Members.” New York Times (May 8, 1936).

[136] Doherty. Radicals for Capitalism, p. 16.

[137] Ibid., p. 319.

[138] FBI. “FOIA: American Security Council-4” (May 6, 1968).

[139] David Miller. The JFK Conspiracy (iUniverse, 2002), p. 40.

[140] Mae Brussell, “The Nazi Connection to the John F. Kennedy Assassination,” The Rebel, (January 1984).

[141] Alvin S. Felzenberg. A Man and His Presidents: The Political Odyssey of William F. Buckley Jr (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017), p. 279.

[142] Robert Sherrill. “William F. Buckley Lived Off Evil As Mold Lives Off Garbage.” The Nation (June 11, 1988).

[143] Alan Ehrenhalt. “A Pied Piper of the 60s” The Washington Post (October 24, 1993).

[144] Paul Gottfried. “Consensus Historian.”

[145] Morrie Ryskind & John H.M. Roberts. I Shot an Elephant in My Pajamas: the Morrie Ryskind Story (LA: Huntington House, 1994.), pp.183-184.

[146] Ibid., pp.198-199.

[147] Alvin Felzenberg. “The Inside Story of William F. Buckley Jr.’s Crusade against the John Birch Society.” The Atlantic (June 20, 2017).

[148] Fred Landis. “Disinformationgate.” Covert Action Information Bulletin (Number 27, Spring 1987).

[149] Jeet Heer. “Snobs Versus Slobs: National Review's War With Its Audience.” New Republic (September 14, 2015).

[150] Alan F. Westin. “The John Birch Society.” Commentary (August 1, 1961).

[151] Robert E. Herzstein. “Alfred Kohlberg: Counter-Subversion in the Global Struggle against Communism, 1944-1960.” Globalization, Empire, and Imperialism in Historical Perspective (University of North Carolina, June 3, 2006).

[152] Kim Phillips-Fein. Invisible Hands: The Making of the Conservative Movement from the New Deal to Reagan (New York: W. W. Norton, 2009), p. ii.

[153] Alvin Felzenberg. “The Inside Story of William F. Buckley Jr.’s Crusade against the John Birch Society.” The Atlantic (June 20, 2017).

[154] Quoted at “Glenn Beck talks with JBS President John F. McManus” (August 15, 2006).

[155] John B. Judis. William F. Buckley, Jr.: Patron Saint of the Conservatives (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), p. 196.

[156] Alvin Felzenberg. “The Inside Story of William F. Buckley Jr.’s Crusade against the John Birch Society.”

[157] Judis. William F. Buckley, Jr, p. 195.

Volume Four

1. MK-Ultra

2. Council of Nine

3. Old Right

4. Novus Ordo Liberalism

5. In God We Trust

6. Fascist International

7. Red Scare

8. White Makes Right

9. JFK Assassination

10. The Civil Rights Movement

11. Golden Triangle

12. Crowleyanity

13. Counterculture

14. The summer of Love

15. The Esalen Institute

16. Ordo ab Discordia

17. Make Love, Not War

18. Chaos Magick

19. Nixon Years

20. Vatican II

21. Priory of Sion

22. Nouvelle Droite

23. Operation Gladio